Free Trial
Forgot your password?

Questions? Call us at 800-207-8001

  • HOME
  • WHITE HOUSE
  • POLITICS
  • CONGRESS
  • DOMESTIC POLICY
  • NATIONAL SECURITY
  • TECH
  • COLUMNS
    • Political Connections by Ronald Brownstein
    • The Cook Report by Charlie Cook
    • Off to the Races by Charlie Cook
    • Vantage Point
    • Common Sense by Matthew Dowd
    • On The Trail by Reid Wilson
    • Against the Grain by Josh Kraushaar
    • Rules of the Game by Eliza Newlin Carney
    • Gwen's Take by Gwen Ifill
    •  
  • BLOGS
    • On Call
    • Tech Daily Dose
    • Voices
    • Expert Blogs
  • POLLS
    • Politics
    • Congress
    • Energy
    • National Security
  • EVENTS

Where Are They?

January 11, 2006 | 6:52 AM |
Share Share

Missing in all the discussion about who is supporting who is this reality: Three days into the race to become the next House Maj Leader, John Boehner and Roy Blunt have, between them, less than 80 public commitments from their 229 GOP colleagues.

Is there a bumper crop of private support that both sides have locked down but aren't, for whatever reason, revealing? Perhaps. But given all that the Conference has endured starting with DeLay's indictment in September (Duke-stir, Scanlon, Abramoff), how has Boehner -- or any other outside challenger -- not emerged as the new Sheriff in town?

A look at the two candidates may explain it.

Boehner is pointing to positive clips from conservative thinkers off the Hill and touting his reform roots in the "Gang of Seven," the freshman GOP crew who, in the early '90s, hammered House Dems over the House banking and postal scandals (though Boehner was not the one that wore the paper bag over his head on the House floor back then; that young rabble rouser is now Chairman Nussle (R-IA))

To us, it seems that Boehner is trying to align himself with the emerging conservative school of thought (best expressed in the WSJ) that the ossified GOP majority needs to remember that they came to town not to praise D.C., but to bury it.

While this may be Boehner's best angle in forming a coalition large enough to hit 116, it is not exactly a natural fit. Yes, yes, we know that Boehner voted against the pork-stuffed highway bill last year. And we know that he has not tucked in earmarks to benefit OH-08 since coming to the House.

But the Boehner his colleagues know -- and the Boehner that the folks in this town who care about such inside-baseball as leadership races likely know -- is the one that you can find dragging on a cigarette and kibitzing with members and lobbyists in the basement grill of the Capitol Hill Club most nights the House is in session.

Blunt is every bit as married, as it were, into the lobbying culture as Boehner. More important, Blunt is part of the old regime. He can praise the Speaker's undefined "lobbying reform" all day long, but that does not change the fact that he is in the unenviable position of being an incumbent running in a campaign that demands change. In short, he is running against the capital from the Capitol.

Now we know that most House GOPers are in favor of "reform" to the extent that such changes quickly "reform" the media narrative of GOP corruption and ensure their seats for another term. But does the paucity of public commitments for either camp mean that there are now a healthy chunk of members who, pushed over the edge by the Abramoff affair, are truly fed up with business as usual?

If the language used by Boehner, Rogers and Tiahrt yesterday means anything, we'd be inclined to think so. These candidates wouldn't be making those rumblings were they not hearing, well, rumblings from colleagues as they work the phones and canvass for support.

If Blunt's lead widens and he can establish a sense of inevitability, all this might not matter. But if there are enough members withholding their vote -- and not just withholding their public commitment -- these reformers may play a pivotal role in deciding the course of the House GOP and the Congress.

Why? Because it would mean that when the candidates come calling (remember, both will likely make their pitch before the RSC and the Tuesday Group) on these members at the end of a tight race, both Boehner and Blunt will have to pledge fealty to some real measure of reform to get the 116.

Real reform meaning more than just a quickie, fig-leaf of a bill rushed through the House that can turn the page on the "Culture of Corruption" storyline, but a more sweeping measure that touches on "inside" reforms and "outside" reforms (more on the difference between those two later).

Will there be enough of these members -- what the Speaker might call a "minority of the majority" -- to force an institutional reevaluation and restructuring of the House?

Let us know. Who are the members that comprise this "Change Caucus?" And will they hang together to make a difference?

Permalink
Join the Discussion
The National Journal Group has the right (but not the obligation) to monitor the comments and to remove any materials it deems inappropriate.
Comments powered by Disqus

 

Advertisement

Search This Blog


Archives

Monthly Archives

  • May 2012
  • April 2012
  • March 2012
  • February 2012
  • January 2012
  • December 2011
  • November 2011
  • October 2011
  • September 2011
  • August 2011
  • July 2011
  • June 2011
  • May 2011
  • April 2011
  • March 2011
  • February 2011
  • January 2011
  • December 2010
  • November 2010
  • October 2010
  • September 2010
  • August 2010
  • July 2010
  • June 2010
  • May 2010
  • April 2010
  • March 2010
  • February 2010
  • January 2010
  • December 2009
  • November 2009
  • October 2009
  • September 2009
  • August 2009
  • July 2009
  • June 2009
  • May 2009
  • April 2009
  • March 2009
  • February 2009
  • January 2009
  • December 2008
  • November 2008
  • October 2008
  • September 2008
  • August 2008
  • July 2008
  • June 2008
  • May 2008
  • April 2008
  • March 2008
  • February 2008
  • January 2008
  • December 2007
  • November 2007
  • October 2007
  • September 2007
  • August 2007
  • July 2007
  • June 2007
  • May 2007
  • April 2007
  • March 2007
  • February 2007
  • January 2007
  • December 2006
  • November 2006
  • October 2006
  • September 2006
  • August 2006
  • July 2006
  • June 2006
  • May 2006
  • April 2006
  • March 2006
  • February 2006
  • January 2006
  • December 2005
  • November 2005
  • October 2005

Recent Posts

  • Q Poll: Menendez Leads Kyrillos By Ten
  • What Deb Fischer's Upset in Nebraska Means
  • Fischer Wins Republican Senate Primary in Nebraska
  • Two Ways of Looking At Pence's First Ad
  • Durant Gets Support From an Unlikely Source
  • RGA Ties Dalton to Perdue in First Ad
  • The 'Amateurish' Ads for Rep. Howard Berman
  • The First Gay Late-Night Host, Obama Golfs With Biden, and Mitt Commits Pranks--VIDEO
  • Hotline Sort: A Cornhusker Comeback
  • Where Obama And Barrett Diverge in Wisconsin

Recent Comments

  • Time for Change on Congressional Insiders Eye Federal Employee Pensions
  • Wren on Video: Romney/Palin the Perfect Ticket for 2012?
  • dcguy on Reality Check: How Republican Is NY-26?
  • stephen blair on Palin Ignites The Field
  • da on Reality Check: How Republican Is NY-26?
  • BB on Congressional Insiders Eye Federal Employee Pensions
  • pam on GOP Senate Targets Keep Their Distance From Ryan
  • Jenny on Saving Private Ryan
  • bonncaruso on Reality Check: How Republican Is NY-26?
  • Joe on Saving Private Ryan

On Call Blogroll
  • Blogometer
  • Andrew Sullivan
  • The Page
  • The Fix
  • The Corner
  • The Note
  • MSNBC's First Read
  • The Huffington Post
  • The Daily Beast
  • Lynn Sweet
  • NYT's The Caucus
  • Politico's Ben Smith
  • ABC's Jake Tapper
  • The Drudge Report
  • RedState
  • Daily Kos
  • Ross Douthat
  • AmSpec blog
  • Townhall
  • Ezra Klein
  • Instapundit
  • Power Line
  • Michelle Malkin
  • TPM's Election Central
  • Crooks & Liars
  • Blue Hampshire
  • Matthew Iglesias
  • Think Progress
  • Political Wire
About

Contact On Call:

  • E-mail: ssullivan@nationaljournal.com
  • Gchat: Seansullivan07
  • Twitter: HotlineSean

Staff

Reid Wilson, Editor-in-Chief
Sean Sullivan, Editor
Julie Sobel, Deputy Editor

Contributing Editors:
Josh Kraushaar and Quinn McCord
Contributing Writers:
Steven Shepard, Dan Roem, Tim Alberta, Stephanie Palla, Sarah Mimms, Kevin Brennan, Chris Peleo-Lazar and Scott Bland



Disclaimer

On Call editors reserve the right to delete inappropriate comments. The Hotline, National Journal Group, Inc. and Atlantic Media Company are not responsible for the content of the comments that remain.


Latest On Blogs

HEALTHCARE

Can Democrats Turn the Health Debate to Their Advantage?

April 28, 2011

EDUCATION

Dispiriting Numbers on Education, Civil Rights

July 5, 2011

ECONOMY

Transforming the Highway Trust Fund

February 22, 2011

ENERGY

Extreme Weather and Climate Change: What's the Link?

July 5, 2011

TRANSPORTATION

The Environmental Case for Transportation Investment

July 5, 2011

SECURITY

Will President Obama's Afghanistan Strategy Prove Effective?

June 27, 2011

HOTLINEONCALL

Only 18,000 Jobs Added in June, Less Than One Fifth of Analyst Estimates

July 8, 2011

TECHDAILYDOSE

Rain Still Threatening Shuttle Launch

July 8, 2011

VOICES

John Edwards: The Latest In a Pathetic Parade

May 25, 2011

 

National Journal Group
Sections
  • Home
  • White House
  • National
    Security
  • Congress
  • Politics
  • Domestic
    Policy
Columnists
  • Political Connections by Ronald Brownstein
  • The Cook Report by Charlie Cook
  • Off to the Races by Charlie Cook
  • Vantage Point
  • Common Sense by Matthew Dowd
  • On The Trail by Reid Wilson
  • Against the Grain by Josh Kraushaar
  • Rules of the Game by Eliza Newlin Carney
Company
  • About Us
  • Staff Bios
  • Employment
  • Reprints & Back Issues
  • Advertising
  • Contact Us
  • Privacy Policy
  • Terms of Service
Copyright 2012 by National Journal Group Inc. • The Watergate 600 New Hampshire Ave., NW Washington, DC 20037
phone 202-739-8400 • fax 202-833-8069 • NationalJournal.com is an Atlantic Media publication.